Furthermore, the tariff gives the domestic steel industry an
effective guarantee of certain levels of revenue – at least
in the short run. The steel industry will receive this
revenue irrespective of what it does and of whether
it innovates or stagnates, cuts costs or decides to leave
them as they are. With the artificially high barriers to
entry created by the steel tariffs, there exist tremendous
incentives for what economists call X-inefficiency – the
tendency of firm managers to slack off in their efforts to
maximize profit and instead try to lead an easier life by
relying on the guarantees of protection offered by the
government’s tariff. The result of X-inefficiency will be
that the domestic steel firms’ cost structures will actually
drift upward over time, leading them to lose
any productive edge they might have had. Indeed, all
historical evidence shows that industries can seldom, if
ever, be “weaned off” of government protection once it
starts. Rather, inefficiencies take hold that permanently
cripple the “protected” industry’s ability to compete with
foreign producers or domestic producers whom the government
does not aid.
Now let us assume the
worst-case scenario offered by advocates of “protective”
tariffs. That is, let us say that a domestic industry is
entirely driven out of business by competition abroad.
On net, even this change would be beneficial to
domestic industries in general, and even, in the long run,
to the specific workers displaced by the decline of one
particular industry.
If it is truly the case
that a certain firm or industry has been displaced by free,
open competition, then this means that another firm or
industry has a comparative advantage over the
displaced competitor. If the firm with a comparative
advantage in producing product A focuses on producing just A
while the displaced competitor – who might have a
comparative advantage in producing B instead – focuses on
producing just B, a mathematical analysis can show that both
firms can be made better off than if this specialization did
not take place. Furthermore, this can still be the case when
one competitor has an absolute advantage over the
other in all areas. So even if a foreign firm F can
produce both goods A and B at lower cost than a
domestic firm D, it would still be advantageous for F to
specialize in producing A and D to specialize in producing
B, so long as F can produce A more effectively than it can
produce B.
So a displaced domestic
industry needs only to shift its focus on producing
something else. Once the shift is in place and the workers
and managers have been re-trained, everyone is better off
than they would have been if the tariff had remained in
place. There is no need to fear for the fate of the
displaced workers during the transition, as it is possible
to give such workers aid in place of the tariff. Many
economic analyses have shown that an outright cash grant of
several hundred thousand dollars to each displaced
worker would generate less overall economic waste than
maintaining any given protective tariff.
So instead of supporting
measures that achieve the opposite of their intended effects,
why not abolish all “protective” tariffs, give temporary aid
to any workers who lose their jobs as a result, and let
domestic industries restructure themselves to become as
productive and efficient as they possibly can be in free and
open competition? Everybody – both in the United States and
abroad – will be better off as a result.
|