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					Furthermore, the tariff gives the domestic steel industry an 
					effective guarantee of certain levels of revenue – at least 
					in the short run. The steel industry will receive this 
					revenue irrespective of what it does and of whether 
					it innovates or stagnates, cuts costs or decides to leave 
					them as they are. With the artificially high barriers to 
					entry created by the steel tariffs, there exist tremendous 
					incentives for what economists call X-inefficiency – the 
					tendency of firm managers to slack off in their efforts to 
					maximize profit and instead try to lead an easier life by 
					relying on the guarantees of protection offered by the 
					government’s tariff. The result of X-inefficiency will be 
					that the domestic steel firms’ cost structures will actually 
					drift upward over time, leading them to lose 
					any productive edge they might have had. Indeed, all 
					historical evidence shows that industries can seldom, if 
					ever, be “weaned off” of government protection once it 
					starts. Rather, inefficiencies take hold that permanently 
					cripple the “protected” industry’s ability to compete with 
					foreign producers or domestic producers whom the government 
					does not aid.  
					 
          Now let us assume the 
					worst-case scenario offered by advocates of “protective” 
					tariffs. That is, let us say that a domestic industry is 
					entirely driven out of business by competition abroad. 
					On net, even this change would be beneficial to 
					domestic industries in general, and even, in the long run, 
					to the specific workers displaced by the decline of one 
					particular industry.  
					 
          If it is truly the case 
					that a certain firm or industry has been displaced by free, 
					open competition, then this means that another firm or 
					industry has a comparative advantage over the 
					displaced competitor. If the firm with a comparative 
					advantage in producing product A focuses on producing just A 
					while the displaced competitor – who might have a 
					comparative advantage in producing B instead – focuses on 
					producing just B, a mathematical analysis can show that both 
					firms can be made better off than if this specialization did 
					not take place. Furthermore, this can still be the case when 
					one competitor has an absolute advantage over the 
					other in all areas. So even if a foreign firm F can 
					produce both goods A and B at lower cost than a 
					domestic firm D, it would still be advantageous for F to 
					specialize in producing A and D to specialize in producing 
					B, so long as F can produce A more effectively than it can 
					produce B.  
					 
          So a displaced domestic 
					industry needs only to shift its focus on producing 
					something else. Once the shift is in place and the workers 
					and managers have been re-trained, everyone is better off 
					than they would have been if the tariff had remained in 
					place. There is no need to fear for the fate of the 
					displaced workers during the transition, as it is possible 
					to give such workers aid in place of the tariff. Many 
					economic analyses have shown that an outright cash grant of 
					several hundred thousand dollars to each displaced 
					worker would generate less overall economic waste than 
					maintaining any given protective tariff. 
					 
          So instead of supporting 
					measures that achieve the opposite of their intended effects, 
					why not abolish all “protective” tariffs, give temporary aid 
					to any workers who lose their jobs as a result, and let 
					domestic industries restructure themselves to become as 
					productive and efficient as they possibly can be in free and 
					open competition? Everybody – both in the United States and 
					abroad – will be better off as a result.  
					 
 
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