Over the past
few weeks, we’ve heard that it would become extremely
difficult for governments, municipalities and community groups to make
decisions regarding education, health care, income inequalities,
immigration, urban planning, and countless other fields, if the
government goes ahead with its decision. A Liberal MP, Marlene Jennings,
said that visible and linguistic minorities could suffer (that is,
might get less government money) because the demographic studies that
help government organizations and others hone in on the problems in
certain regions rely on the results of long-form census surveys.
Despite the modern jargon, Talon would find the arguments entirely
familiar. As a professor of Urban and Regional Economics
reminded us in The Gazette, “enlightened policy decisions can only
be taken if the government and its advisers have a good idea of what is
happening in Canada.” Or hear this unnamed statistician
asking in The Globe and Mail: “Should those who collect and spend
our tax dollars on matters determined to be in the public interest not
do so with the most informed statistical information possible?”
A census can only gather accurate information with the use of
widespread coercion and intrusion in people’s private lives. Whether or
not masses of citizens find it worthwhile to protest officially is not
the point; this in itself is enough to oppose it from a libertarian
perspective and the government was right to justify its decision on this
basis. But everyone should also be aware that statistics are not just
any neutral information that is useful to have.
As the great libertarian economist, Murray Rothbard,
explained half a century ago:
Certainly, only by statistics, can the federal government make
even a fitful attempt to plan, regulate, control, or reform various
industries—or impose central planning and socialization on the
entire economic system. If the government received no railroad
statistics, for example, how in the world could it even start to
regulate railroad rates, finances, and other affairs? How could the
government impose price controls if it didn't even know what goods
have been sold on the market, and what prices were prevailing?
Statistics, to repeat, are the eyes and ears of the interventionists:
of the intellectual reformer, the politician, and the government
bureaucrat.
Without their eyes and ears—or at any rate, with poorer eyesight
and hearing—the interventionists will find it more difficult to
defend their work and they might lose some legitimacy. Which is why we
should enthusiastically support this decision to scrap the mandatory
long-form questionnaire.
Now, if only the government had been a little bit more coherent and
scrapped the thing entirely instead of replacing it with a voluntary
questionnaire sent to more households that will cost more, produce less
reliable data and be a source of unnecessary controversy for years to
come. Perhaps industry minister Tony Clement really believes his lines
about the new data being as reliable and useful as the data collected
the old way? That would not be surprising, coming from a government that
has shown almost no inclination to cut spending, stop managing the
economy and get out of our lives.
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