Quebec Is Not a
Slow-Growth High-Income Region―It Is Merely Slow-Growth |
In a recent article in this webzine, fellow economist Jean-Luc Migué
argued that Quebec catching up with Ontario economically was the result
of changes in the distribution of the population. His logic is that the
faster pace of population growth in Ontario (relative to Quebec)
generated an increase in the price of land (rents) that was much faster
in Ontario than in Quebec. This means that once you adjust for prices,
Quebec has converged toward the level of living standards observed in
Ontario in spite of slower economic growth. According to this logic, it
is easy to explain the fact that real income per capita in Quebec has
increased faster than productivity in the past few decades. This
argument is well supported by economic historians, and appears to be
true. However, it is not because it is true that its explanatory power
is sufficient to explain a large part of the economic reality.
While the mechanism described by Mr. Migué (and his colleague Gérard
Bélanger in another paper) may be true, the consideration of other
factors overwhelms the size of the effects of this mechanism. In
reality, the income level in Quebec is greatly exaggerated and the
differences in the cost of living are overestimated, and they are also
misunderstood theoretically.
How large is the cost of living gap between Quebec and Ontario?
The statistics presented with regards to the cost of living
differences between Quebec and Ontario are not provincial averages. More
often, they are differences between Montreal and Toronto, which we take
to represent provincial differences. On average between 2000 and 2009,
the gap between Montreal and Toronto stood at 13.4%.(1) The problem is that these are hardly representative of provincial
averages. Once we try to account for the weights of other cities, the
gap becomes much smaller. Martin Coiteux estimated that in 2009, the
provincial differences stood at less than 6%.(2)
Estimates of the “basic needs” poverty line which compares identical
baskets of goods and services to insure a modest but decent standard of
living compiled by Chris Sarlo is also a good approximation of the gap
in prices. It shows that in 1988, that difference stood at 9.7% and that
the entire difference was explained by cheaper housing since food and
clothing were more expensive in Quebec than elsewhere.(3)
So the gap between Ontario and Quebec is much smaller than we are led to
believe.
Low housing costs are the result of differentials in quality
Most of the argument put forward by Migué rests on the price gap for
housing in Quebec and Ontario. However, the problem is that the demand
for housing is itself a function of real income. When one chooses a
residence, one fixes a price for monthly payments that one believes is
affordable. This threshold is drawn as a function of what one’s
remaining income will buy in terms of food, clothing, transportation and
other goods and services. If income across regions is different but all
non-housing goods are equally priced, the cost of “average” housing will
be different. However, these differences will be mostly explained by
differences in the quality of housing. In short, higher income areas
will require more expensive housing.(4)
|
“The virtual stagnation
relative to Ontario is indicative of the lack of success of
Quebec’s statist model to generate economic convergence. It
mirrors the slow pace of productivity increases, which is
offset by interprovincial transfers to Quebec.” |
Once we disaggregate the data, we find that Quebec has prices similar to
Ontario’s with regards to non-housing goods and services. In his
article, Mr. Migué admits as much when he points out that 90% of the
price gap between Montreal and Toronto is explained by housing costs.
But a deeper look at the data is even more convincing; Quebecers pay a
higher price in nominal terms for identical food baskets, gasoline
(before taxes) and identical clothing items.(5)
Given the much lower level of nominal wages in Quebec, this means that
Quebecers actually have a higher cost of living than Ontarians
since they must work longer hours for identical goods. Moreover, the
price gap between Ontario and Quebec is heavily distorted by the effects
of subsidized prices for services like electricity, daycare and
university tuition. All of these items share equal weights in the
calculation of the price indexes for Quebec and Ontario, but they are
cheaper in Quebec because of a deliberate policy to artificially lower
the prices of these services. However, these are offset by higher income
taxes, corporate taxes and payroll taxes, which are not captured by the
different price indexes.(6)
This creates the illusion that prices are lower in Quebec when in
fact they are not; they are merely paid in a different manner. So in
reality, the totality of the cost of living difference stems from
differences in the cost of housing.
So, what we spend on housing (and thus the average cost of housing) is
determined by the real income left to Quebecers after all goods and
services needed are paid for. Lower incomes mean lower housing costs
because of lower quality housing. And when you look at the data on the
quality of housing in Quebec, there is a considerable lag. The average
number of rooms, bedrooms and bathrooms is lower in Quebec than in
Ontario. The homeownership rate is 10 percentage points below that of
Ontario even if the rate of owned houses with mortgages is equal in both
provinces. Households in Quebec also enjoy fewer complementary housing
goods like Internet connections, cable television, personal computers,
microwaves, and dishwashers relative to similar households in Ontario.(7)
Not only are Quebecers less prone to become homeowners; what they rent
is of much lower quality than what Ontarians rent. A 2004 study
published by Statistics Canada shows that rents in Montreal less often
include running water, heating, electricity, parking spaces and
appliances than Toronto rents.(8)
If we were to assume that, exogenously and without
any increases in income, Quebecers would change their housing quality
preferences to match exactly that of the Ontarians, rents would increase
dramatically and most of the price gap discussed by Mr. Migué would
vanish.
Quebec is less productive and hence poorer
On average, Quebec workers are less productive than Ontario workers,
which translates into lower hourly wage rates. Consequently, workers in
Quebec must work longer hours than workers in Ontario for identical
goods. For example, the average Montrealer must spend 18.7% more
time at his job to acquire an iPod 8gb than the average Torontonian.(9)
The average Quebec worker must also work 22 minutes more than the
average Ontario worker to acquire 100 litres of gasoline (before
taxes), and 29.5 hours more for the acquisition of the food basket
recommended by Health Canada. This applies to services as well since
Quebecers must, on average, work 24% more for a cab fare of 8km and 15%
more for a haircut.
Moreover, most of the convergence in real incomes on a per capita basis
between Quebec and Ontario is the result of changes in the structure of
households. The size of Quebec households has fallen faster than that of
Ontario households. The thing is that larger households have economies
of scale in their purchases, which increases their real purchasing
power. This creates a statistical illusion that is biasing down income
estimates in Ontario relative to Quebec. When we correct for this using
the methods proposed by Statistics Canada, we find that Quebec’s per
capita income in 1976 stood at 77.73% of that of Ontario. By 2006, it
had merely increased to 78.01%—indicating a virtual stagnation over
three decades.(10)
Not only that, but that figure was higher in 1961 (before the
Quiet Revolution) than in 1976, since it stood at 78.31%.(11)
These results were confirmed by Martin Coiteux, with a different
methodology, who points out that Quebec’s per capita income stood at
85.9% of Ontario’s in 1976 compared to 79.9% in 2006. Using these
statistical adjustments, we find that the growth of Quebec’s per capita
income matches the slow pace of productivity increases.
The virtual stagnation relative to Ontario is indicative of the lack of
success of Quebec’s statist model to generate economic convergence. It
mirrors the slow pace of productivity increases, which is offset by
interprovincial transfers to Quebec. The sad but real fact is that
Quebec is not a slow-growth and high-income region; it is merely a
slow-growth region.
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1.
Vincent Geloso. Forthcoming in 2014. Coûte-t-il vraiment
moins cher de vivre au Québec? Le coût de la vie au Québec
relativement au reste du Canada. Montréal : Centre sur la
Productivité et la Prospérité à HEC Montréal.
2.
Martin Coiteux. Le Point sur les Écarts de Revenu entre les
Québécois et les Canadiens des autres Provinces, Montréal,
Centre sur la productivité et la prospérité de HEC Montréal,
2011. p. 12.
3.
Christopher Sarlo.
Poverty in Canada — 2nd Edition,
Vancouver, Fraser Institute,
1996.
p. 115.
4.
For a deeper discussion of the issue, consider the following
articles: Michael E. Stone. 2006. “What is Housing
Affordability? The Case for the Residual Income Approach” Housing Policy Debate,
Vol.17, no.1, pp.151-184; Donald
Haurin. 1991. “Income variability, homeownership, and housing
demand” Journal of Housing Economics, Vol.1, Issue.1,
pp.60-74; Orazio Attanasio, Renata Bottazzi, Hamish Low, Lars
Nesheim et Matthew Wakefield. 2012. “Modelling the demand for
housing over the life cycle” Review of Economic Dynamics, Vol.15, issue 1, pp.1-18.
5.
Vincent Geloso. Forthcoming in 2014.
Coûte-t-il vraiment
moins cher de vivre au Québec? Le coût de la vie au Québec
relativement au reste du Canada. Montréal : Centre sur la
Productivité et la Prospérité à HEC Montréal.
6.
Vincent Geloso. 2013. Du Grand Rattrapage au Déclin
Tranquille : Une histoire économique et sociale du Québec de
1900 à nos jours. Montréal : Accent Grave, chapter 3.
7.
Statistics Canada. 2013. CANSIM tables 203-0027 and 203-0019.
Ottawa: Statistics Canada.
Available online.
8. James Chowhan et Marc Prud’homme.
2004.
City comparisons of shelter costs in Canada: A hedonic
approach.
Ottawa: Statistics Canada, pp. 21-24.
9. Andreas Höfert et Daniel Kalt.
2012. Prix et Salaires : Édition 2012. Zurich : Union des
Banques Suisses, p. 8.
10. Vincent Geloso.2013. Une perspective
historique sur la productivité et le niveau des Québécois: de
1870 à nos jours. Montréal : Centre sur la Productivité et
la Prospérité à HEC Montréal.
11.
Vincent Geloso. "Réponse
à Pierre Fortin : Le Québec qui stagne
(relativement) depuis 1960" (February 26, 2013). |
|
From the same author |
▪
Du Grand Rattrapage au Déclin Tranquille
(no
312 – 15 juin 2013)
▪
Les comportements sociaux des Québécois et l'emprise
de l'Église entre 1945 et 1960
(no
304 – 15 octobre 2012)
▪
La loi 25 ou comment tuer les arts et les sports
(no
292 – 15 septembre 2011)
▪
A Match Made in Heaven: Morality and the Free Market
(no
291 – August 15, 2011)
▪
Eugenics and the minimum wage
(no
275 – February 15, 2010)
▪
More...
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First written appearance of the
word 'liberty,' circa 2300 B.C. |
Le Québécois Libre
Promoting individual liberty, free markets and voluntary
cooperation since 1998.
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